Full Interpretation of Optimal Labeling

Abstract

This article proposes that the label for each syntactic node/set is fully derivable from Agree operating on edge-features of lexical items. It is also proposed that the derivations of labels transparently carve the path for θ-marking at the semantic interface. When tied with the label asymmetry condition at the Sensorimotor-interface and principles of derivational economy, this theory of labeling/Agree derives effects of what is traditionally called the θ-Criterion at the semantic interface. Ramifications for the principle of Full Interpretation are also discussed.